On the Decline of Morals – Woe, Woe, Woe!

30 September 2009

In a salute to David Brooks’s latest column, I thought I’d join the ranks of conservatives and old people everywhere by writing a sassy little piece on the decline of morals in our corrupt society.  To make the piece even more banal, I’ll start off with the recent current events cliches of Kanye West, Joe Wilson, and, you guessed it, Roman Polanski.  We’ve departed quite far from Catiline’s purpose today.

The recent misdeeds (or attention thereto) of Kanye West, Joe Wilson, and Roman Polanski seem to share one thing in common: an arrogant contempt for rules and norms.  In Kanye’s case, he decided that, although the VMA organizers had already come to their conclusions, and had decided in opposition to his own personal opinion, his own opinion carried sufficient weight and importance that, courtesy aside, it had to be made forcefully known, in such a way as to overshadow the decisions of the awards committee.  Similarly, in Joe Wilson’s case, although decades of precedent and tradition had assigned another man, publicly elected by a system implicitly accepted by all law-abiding citizens of the country, the place and time to speak, is own interpretation of facts and events was of such weight and urgency that he had the right to violate precedent, tradition, and common courtesy to make his ideas known.

In just the same way, Roman Polanski, long ago, when he decided to flee our country and our justice system in so un-Socratic a way, decided that, although he had implicitly accepted the rules of our country for the duration of his stay here, his own skin was of sufficient importance that laws should be broken, flouted, and discarded according to his own personal sense of discretion.

(Perhaps my respect for the authorities in each of these cases is exaggerated… perhaps, in this, we see one of the very germs of conservatism: conservatives tend to respect authority, tradition, precedent, etc., while liberals are often inclined to be more… liberal… or humane to those who flout these precepts.)

I think it’s important to recognize that in each of these cases, the sense of personal arrogance and importance is the germ of radicalism.  Radicalism is by definition any doctrine or system of thought that is predicated on the discarding of old rules and ideas.  I do not mean, by the association of these rude individuals with radicalism, to disparage radicalism; nor do I mean to contemn these individuals (however much they ought to be contemned) by terming them radicals.  There are situations where radicalism is appropriate.  But to understand what these situations are, we must first understand what radicalism is, and how to recognize it.

Any time someone advocates the breaking of a serious law, as Roman Polanski did, they are advocating radicalism, because they are advocating that the existing system of laws, by containing whatever law that was the particular target of their disobedience, has become so corrupt that it is open to question by individual citizens.  Making the law optional, only to be applied where individuals judge it appropriate, is essentially an invitation to anarchy.

Likewise, in polite society, one does not interrupt people; one does not upstage another person intentionally and rudely; one waits one’s turn and expresses one’s opinion calmly.  To violate these rules is to leave the realm of polite society; it is to announce that one has knowledge so immediate, so manifest, and so important that no further discussion is merited, that no one else’s opinion need be heard.  This is because if everyone behaved like this all the time, no conversation would be possible; hence, by convention, everyone avoid behaving like this all the time, so that conversation will always be possible, except in the aforementioned circumstances of immediate, critical, and manifest knowledge that must be communicated.

To clarify this last point, if Joe Wilson had been announcing that he had personal knowledge of a plot to assassinate the President in the next ten minutes, his interruption would have been merited.  Indeed, if he had personal knowledge that the President had sworn an oath of fealty to Russia and was conducting a communist overthrow of the United States, his interruption would have been merited – for such information would be of such immediate concern, and so important, that it would bear immediate attention, especially in light of whose conversation he was interrupting.  Many conservatives, I think, may be thinking to themselves, “But that’s exactly what he was doing.”  It’s the third criterion that Joe Wilson lacked; the knowledge that he presented was not manifest; it was not incontrovertible or indisputable.  It is in fact, still, weeks later, the opinion of many people that he himself was incorrect in what he said.

To repeat a point made earlier, there are situations when radicalism is appropriate, or at least logically consistent.  For instance, green terrorists may appropriately be radicals.  In their analysis, it is obvious that the Earth is headed for imminent catastrophe; the rest of us have ignored this fact despite its obviousness, and so we must be terrified into the action that will save us.  In just the same way, Islamic terrorists believe that it is incontrovertible that the moral balance of the universe hangs on a precipice, and that they must take immediate action to save it.  We can see that if we accept the premises of the green or Islamic terrorists, their actions make sense.  They have obvious (to them) information; it is of supreme moral importance, and it is of such critical importance that it bears immediate action.  We can – and do – dispute the epistemology, the methods by which these people have acquired their information and evaluated it, but we cannot dispute the logic of their actions.

Where radicalism becomes logically inconsistent is when it is applied to persuasion.  When radicalism is manifested in what we might call an act of verbal terrorism, as per Joe Wilson or Kanye West, it breaks down.  The object of Wilson’s action, and West’s if we may avoid extreme cynicism, was to persuade people.  Since we, who they would persuade, are not radicals, it is clear that their information is not manifest to us.  In fact, in both cases, it is mere opinion, unsubstantiated in any way by their own words.  What they are really asking us to do, then, is to share in their own personal, mystic understanding of the Truth.  But the attempt to communicate a mystic understanding is by definition impossible.  If Kanye West really believes what he said, he should be out buying all of Taylor Swift’s CDs and burning them, only taking time to tell people about his beliefs during bathroom breaks.  Likewise, Joe Wilson should be bombing hospitals or something.

So why is all of society doomed?  Two points make a line; Joe Wilson, Kanye West, society.  I see shades of radicalism in a lot of what is now called political discourse.  Fox News is an excellent example of the unbalanced presentation of facts, the bad-faith arguments, and the shouting matches and disingenuous arguments that have come to characterize our discourse.  No longer do we attempt to persuade, but to indoctrinate.  By abandoning the normal methods by which people seek to attain the truth, media organizations like Fox have essentially accepted the premise that it is no longer necessary to question the truth; to them, it is obvious, no longer open to question.  It is so obvious that the radical conditions apply; reasonable question and answer can be discarded, and we can use any artistry or ingenuity we have to get people to agree with us.


Roman Polanski and the French

28 September 2009

This time the cheese-eating surrender monkeys have gone too far.  In contemplating the recent detainment of Roman Polanski, the man who had sex with a thirteen-year-old girl, the New York Times cites the opinion of a former French cultural minister, Jack Lang:

“…for Europeans the development showed that the American system of justice had run amok.   ‘Sometimes, the American justice system shows an excess of formalism… like an infernal machine that advances inexorably and blindly.’”

In essence, Lang’s point is an argument that individuality should trump the laws.  Because Roman Polanski is a great artist, the venial sin of having sex with a minor ought to be forgiven.  After all, it’s been a long time, and it’s just a little law that was broken.  He’s paid his dues and then some, right?  The characterization of the American justice system as “running amok” (the Times’s, not Lang’s) and “an infernal machine” “inexorably and blindly” advancing seem intended to communicate the idea that the American justice system is behaving in an out of control way, and being destructive rather than creative.

This idea is exactly correct, if you consider that art and civility are being destroyed by that nasty business of the detention – much more nasty than coercive sex with minors.  It is not correct, however, if you consider that the American justice system is not so much “running amok” as doing exactly what its creators intended for it to do, which is to administer justice, blindly and dispassionately.  The justice system was intended to create justice, not to preserve corrupt artists.  It was intended to be blind!

Nonetheless, Lang and the Times seem to believe that at some point, the justice system should just stop if the art community and the good people of France tell it to do so.  Because it does not, it is “running amok”.  They seem to believe that it is the duty of prosecutors to wink and condone the sins of the great, rather than being so formal, and to weigh the balance of a person’s accomplishments before prosecuting his crimes.

The point is a good one if you believe that the rich, the powerful, and the talented should be above the law.  It suffers, though, if you believe that laws exist precisely to enforce a certain level of equality and decency that are apt to be discarded by those rich and powerful.  To the Times, I say “For shame!”  Recall the story of Charondas, dictator of Catana: in order to prevent the intimidation of the public by displays of force, he ordered that no citizen should be permitted to wear arms in public assembly, on pain of death.  One day, after suppressing a band of brigands who had been causing terror in the city, he rushed to an assembly on the subject, forgetting to disarm.  A citizen reproached him for breaking his own law, to which he responded, “I will rather confirm it.”  So saying, he drew his sword and slew himself.

Charondas, unlike Roman Polanski, acknowledged the supreme value of laws over the judgment of individuals, which is so often blinded by a moment’s vicissitude or the perspective of inflamed passions.  One might even argue that Charondas saw that, even if it appeared unjust that he himself should be punished for a law that he had not intended to break, the greater justice was that it be forcefully illustrated to all of the citizens that the law must always be obeyed.

Charondas had the humility of Socrates, another Greek who had great respect for the law: the story of “Crito” lays out Socrates’ reasons for accepting the capital punishment at the hands of his people despite the apparent injustice of the sentence.  Wikipedia summarizes the arguments with more clarity than I could possibly preserve.

Charondas and Socrates had the humility to put the laws over themselves even when the stakes were their own lives.  Polanski had the arrogance to put his own enjoyment above the laws for far lower stakes.  I will hope that the laws punish not just his original misdeed, but the damage his arrogance – or cowardice – has done to the idea of blind and equal justice across the board.

A footnote: the Times has recently come under fire (summarized here) for inadequate coverage of the Acorn scandal.  Its excuse then was that it was incompetent.  What’s the excuse this time?  How does a supposedly illustrious journalistic enterprise excuse this piece of wandering, rhapsodic crap?  Is this bag of bigoted anecdotes journalism?  Are you kidding me?


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